Sunday, December 18, 2011
Turner and Kayapo
Sally Ann Ness Trobiand Cricket
Pinney
Bravo's Real Housewives
Monday, October 31, 2011
Barthes
Barthes article was very interesting because it forced me to think about advertising and the strategies that they use to reach their audience. The most surprising thing to me was when he pointed out the color scheme and the use of fresh flood in conjunction with the product, which is more packaged or processed than those to help sell the product. I would have never thought twice as to why they did this because it just made sense. However, now thinking about it, I realized this understanding an outside culture from within your own culture is in fact a cultural understanding that one has. As Barthes states, the linguistic and the connoted and denoted messages within all work with one another to give off this Italianicity that is understood to an outside culture based on stereotypes that we see.
When one thinks of Italian culture, one thinks of pasta and natural tomatoes to make the tomato sauce and how our definition of a supermarket in the United States is different from that in Italy. A Wawa convenient store is really equivalent to the size of a supermarket there, even in the large cities. Italians still go to various specialized stores to buy everything—the fruttivendolo to buy the fruits and vegetables, the macellaio to buy the meat, the panificio to get the bread. It isn’t a one stop shop for your convenience like in the U.S. or as Barthes describes as a mechanical society. We know this to be true as a stereotype of Italian culture and cooking habits. This reminds me of Geertz when he states that common sense should be studied because it essentially something that is understood and not really perceived to be cultural within that society. This understanding only proves that these advertisements are in fact cultural.
He also points out the use of an Italian sounding name for the product to outsiders to make it seem more authentic, marketable, and thus appealing to the audience. He argues that French would only understand that word “pates” which is in French but understand that name of the Pasta company “Panzani” to be an Italian sounding name. However, not being able to speak French and knowing what Italian names sound-like, I can still understand that the company itself is Italian and that this is probably sold in France. This only further emphasizes Barthes point that when we look at an advertisement of a photograph, one picks and chooses and still gets the message from it and even though I cannot read French and ignore “pates,” I still understand the pasta to be Italian.
The color palette also is used to prove its authenticity also by sticking to the colors of the Italian flag. The objects evoke a literal and metaphorical symbolic message, a two-for-one deal if you will, which is what advertisements love to do. This is the most shocking thing that I would have never noticed myself because the staging, light, objects themselves, and the text are all obvious things I would have looked at. I would have thought about color versus black and white, however, I would have never thought of the actual colors used and how they work off of one another and as a purposeful choice to show a symbolic meaning besides the literal and evident meaning. The lighting in this photograph is also very warm and yellow creating a feeling of nostalgia as well to a more quaint of more simple life that maybe the outside might see as something to be longed for.
The thing I did not agree with or maybe follow correctly was Barthes argument of the photographic medium and when he compared it to film. Photographs will never be able to objectively show something or make a copy of something. Yes, he acknowledges the ‘”tricks” as he calls them that can manipulate the photograph and its ability to copy what was in front of the camera as it was, however, a photograph even when not specifically using these “tricks” cannot and will not ever be able to make a copy of the thing in front of it. As John Szarkowski points out in The Photographer’s Eye, the photograph is different from the thing itself. The subject of the photograph and the actual thing in real life are not one in the same or even similar and the photograph is never able to represent it. Therefore, when he argues that unlike drawing which is selective and does not reproduce everything, a photograph is not able to intervene within the object even though it can pick the point of view and its angle. This argument to me is nonsensical and weak because these two things as well as other independent variables will always intervene and change how it appears. As I said before the two are not one in the same, but also because the lighting for example or the vantage point can make something look much larger or infinitesimal in comparison to other things in the frame. This is never possible. As drawings pick and choose, so does a photographer so this is not possible. In this case he says that it can change the connotation, but not the denotation. These two in my opinion are inseparable when looking at a photograph and shouldn’t be looked at separately because they work together. Therefore, I see his point to some extent but his argument is weak and I do not agree with it at all.
Monday, October 10, 2011
Tomaselli
Loizos’s points on ethnographic film and the ideaThe Tomaselli article is the one that stuck out to me the most. Because it points out the interesting juxtapositions found in anthropology. The second we go to study a culture for academic purposes, even worse for more commercial purposes like tourism, the culture is influenced and changed. If the Bushmen were put in park-lands, they would be required to wear loin-cloths that they normally did not wear. They also were a nomadic people and this would mean they would be confined to one area. They would have to adjust to this change, resulting in a change in who they are really.
The part of the article where they agreed to wear loin-cloths distributed by the film-makers was really jarring because these people acknowledged what these filmmakers were doing—portraying this culture inaccurately—but also acknowledged that they couldn’t do anything about it because they needed money and these loin-clothes symbolized future income for them because the public would want to buy them. So again they are sacrificing who they are or their integrity to make money.
We saw the same struggle with the film we saw on African Art. The Africans who were Muslims were the traders of the art—art which they saw as “pagan.” They would hide the art from their kids because it was seen as mysterious and bad, and yet one could say that their lives revolved around it each day to make money. This was all because they knew a profit would come out of it. They are sacrificing their beliefs, and in the San’s case their integrity, to conform to our currency.
We see the same thing with Body Shop’s recurring return to Kayapo to learn about their natural health products. Everytime they visit, their influence slowly grows. They saw our cameras and now use them to defend their culture and authenticity and yet somehow they are compromising a piece of their “authenticity” in the process.
This notion of objectively studying another culture can’t really exist because we will influence in one way or another and change them. We also saw this when Mead filmed the trance dance in Bali. They included women in the ritual, shortened it, and performed it in the day. These things done all for the purpose of academia had a consequence and influence on that culture. The women were then on included and played a more important role in that culture then so gender role slightly changed.
Saturday, October 1, 2011
Jacknis
Jacknis is pointing out the dilemma of anthropology, which is objectivity. Mead and Bateson tried to avoid or solve this problem by using still and cine photography in Bali. They were very efficient in taking notes and recording. However, the reason why they headed to Bali was to study children and the “missing type” which Mead thought the Balinese exhibited. Yes, they wanted to try to document or record cultural themes or behaviors exhibited, but that was their main intent. Going in with this in mind, you will be biased in what you look at and record.
Bateson took the photos and Mead would be a director pointing out interesting behavior to be filmed. The article said that this was because it would have been things Bateson might have missed with his eye to the viewfinder. However, this reasoning proves that this was biased.
Firstly, the fact that Mead was pointing out things that he should make sure to record suggests that they did pick things that would fulfill their thoughts or hypotheses when they first started their research their. Secondly, the pictures being taken are biased because the person using the camera chooses where to aim it, how to aim, and when to click the shutter button. Different things are especially interesting to different people and the person will be drawn to these things and focus on them more than collecting a general overview of every aspect of culture. Thirdly, the use of the camera made the cameraman miss things because their eye is always in the viewfinder ready to get the next shot. So one can possibly argue that one who writes notes from observation can argue that they will have better judgment from this because they can observe to the best of their ability and then assess the situation fully. Lastly, the difficulty with visual anthropology in my opinion is that because it appeals to the most popular and useful senses, those viewing it can take it to be real. Photographs, still and cine, are figments of the real world. They are a representation and this representation sometimes, if not all times, cannot be accurate. Without providing supplemental text and background to the photograph, the viewer can make judgments and their own conclusions, which can be the wrong ones.
I agree with the first paragraph on page 173 in the fact that film is not a copy of something. The medium itself is subjective because we decide where we point the camera and it is a form of communicating our observations and ideas in the world. There is no pure ethnographic truth in my opinion in, no matter how you choose to document it—on paper or with a camera. It is almost like an oxymoron in a way because the people going to study have a specific purpose for and when they are there they influence that culture, too. as we saw with the recording of the trance dance, they had them do it during the day because it could not be filmed at night because they needed more light and it was only something around two or three hours long when in reality it took upwards of eight hours. They also asked women to participate for the film when they normally don’t. This would, therefore, have the viewer be mislead to a certain extent. This also changed the culture in that from then on women were always included.
The conclusion of this article argues that this, however, is not a bad thing. They were subjective and the finished product was definitely biases but it is a “disciplined subjectivity.” The use of visual anthropology is good because it is something that can be taken back for other experts and anthropologists to analyze. So the study does not only happen in fieldwork and is not a two-way interaction between the anthropologist and the culture being studied firsthand. There can be secondhand analyses. This can be a bad thing though because the medium itself is not a copy and is not as accurate sometimes in my opinion as something is firsthand. There are so many different factors that can change our view of something. For example, the angle at which something is taken can change the feeling a viewer gets from the picture. If something is taken from below looking up, the subject can be seen as superior or also in a very negative light because it can be unflattering, etc.
Because the general viewer tends to think that photographs and films represent the real world and that the subject in the photograph and the actual real person are one and the same. What often happened early on is that a whole culture would get sized up from a small collection of photographs, which can be kind of insulting. Photographs and films are almost too accessible now and this realness, as the trance dance film example in the article suggests, can be really dangerous when being used as an accurate document and can be confused as it being the real thing.
Monday, September 26, 2011
Errington
Errington’s article is very interesting because it really points out and categorizes what to me is perceived about “art.” This is difficult to see because I am from a Western culture where these criteria is understood and then learned. After reading this, it makes me realize our preconceived notions about what art “is” and “isn’t” are built subconsciously within us to some extent. This is true even of the public, for when you enter a museum containing “art,” everything in this space is framed and displayed, adding to the preciousness of it. These things often do fall into the “five fine arts” categories: painting, sculpture, architecture, music, and dance—the first two being the most popular and “precious” forms of high art, if such a thing exists.
What saddens me, no matter how idealistic or romantic, is that pieces from other cultures have to fit a certain criteria for it to be collected and displayed. Primitive art needs to fit into our western notion of what art is in order for it be considered art. Masks were accepted and collected because they were 3D objects that could be displayed, like that of European sculpture.
The requirement for it is to be portable and durable, and therefore consumable as a commodity by collectors and museums is also slightly disturbing. These objects were considered to be primitive art as long as they were authentic, i.e. used in a ritual or in a ceremony, built by hand, and used in everyday life. It had to qualify as art by appropriation, which are pieces that are deemed as “art” by museums, not as art by intention, which are pieces that are made to be framed, displayed, and collected. After being deemed authentic, the pieces need to be portable in order for it to be sold, collected, and displayed.
These pieces, after meeting these two requirements, have to then be made of durable materials. If they are made of all soft materials, which in turn deteriorate and do not last over time, do become considered art at all and are not really even considered. Those made of both soft and hard materials are considered art after the soft materials have been removed. This process sometimes makes the pieces lose their meaning, especially those used in ritual, and become something else entirely to us. They are therefore not really representing this culture accurately to outside audiences, like the western museum-goers.
What really is disturbing me most though is that behind all this, and more broadly Western culture, especially the United States, is the need for it to be consumable and for it to have value. This need for it to be authentically used in that culture not for art’s sake is preposterous in some sense. The criteria that have been created makes sense in a consumer-driven society, like many in Western culture, but yet completely nonsensical. For us to only be able to deem these pieces, essentially “low art” in western views, art worthy of being displayed in Western museums, high art, is back-handed racism. This art is in authentic when consumed in this manner, it is not to appreciate the other culture and often its meaning is compromised when “becoming art.” That’s why the business of making art by intention to pass off as art by appropriation in Africa like that of what we saw in the film we watched last class has evolved. They have played by our rules in a sense to make money. Now the question is who really has the power in controlling and deeming what is art? The collectors and museum curators or those from primitive culture?
Sunday, September 18, 2011
Clifford
The chapter from James Clifford’s The Predicament of Culture that stuck out to me most was that on ethnographic surrealism and its concentration on its growth in Paris from the 1920s and 1930s. The notion most emphasized is that surrealism is used to create interesting and unexpected juxtapositions. Surrealist ethnographers saw culture as a contested reality—something I still believe to be true to this day—that needed to be analyzed and rearranged.
Clifford includes an excerpt from Griaule where he states that “ethnography…is interested in the beautiful and the ugly[1].” This article today I think holds true in art and my approach to photography. I guess I am a surrealist at heart, but I essentially try to take what seems common and make it peculiar and the bizarre banal. William Makepeace Thackeray once said, “the two most engaging powers of an author are to make new things familiar, familiar things new.” This is true of any work that one is doing, especially anthropology. Geertz states that we should study common sense because it is “natural” to the person in that culture, but never the thing analyzed. This is making the familiar new. When we study other cultures in anthropology we are looking to understand it and therefore make the new thing familiar to us. Clifford essentially does this when telling us about Western culture and how we learn as children to collect things and put them on display, like a “treasured bowl filled with the bright shavings of a crayon[2].” I would have never noticed this because it is part of the “familiar” of our Western culture.
Clifford’s chapter on collecting art and culture made me wonder how one decides what is scientific, cultural artifacts, what is an aesthetic work of art, and what is seen as a collectible. Are they all valued equally? If not, why is the one valued more? We kind of consume these three different types like a commodity, part of a museum attraction or exhibit in a gallery. It wasn’t seen as “beautiful” in the European sense of the word until recently, which then pushes to the forefront why we were interested in these nonwestern works. Even those that were considered “art” where in some ways consumed because of its exotic characteristics and therefore appeal in Western culture. It wasn’t primarily for its appreciation of art for art’s sake. The art world is really about it’s mass appeal and value and these were valued because it was seen as curious, exotic, and bizarre. The value, not the monetary kind, behind the art to the culture it came from, in this case the West Africans, gets ignored and lost. The meaning is insignificant to the West and their art is seen as another good that we can consume.
Griffith
These two chapters generally are working hand in hand with one another in terms of acquainting the reader with the history and a somewhat anthropological study on how visual anthropology itself came about, which I found somewhat ironic. Chapter one used the example of life groups in museums of natural history to show us the impact and importance it had in the success of the museums. Chapter two spoke of how world fairs
Chapter one introduced us to the advantages and the disadvantages in using visual media to display a both engaging and interesting piece in it self and also one that is engaging and educational to the masses. The museum’s goal was to draw in a mass audience, including the working-class, and this was possible by using life groups. Cinema and mass entertainment became popular in the early twentieth century in New York City, especially with immigrants. Life groups, specifically in the American Museum of Natural History, “supported and challenged the emerging discipline of anthropology and how that discipline responded to conflicting needs of scientific rigor and popular amusement[1].” In short, it aimed to show anthropology’s growing role at the turn of the century through life groups and then explained the different approaches and strategies the museums used to make the experience most effective, and therefore appealing.
Chapter two also aimed to show the critical controversies around native villages being displayed at world’s fairs. The problem with this was that these native villages displays were not there to be appreciated and educational. They were seen as commodities, like the other things at the fair. Unlike the museums were anthropologists worked together with artists to create the life groups accurately, anthropologists had little control over the native villages in the fairs. The disadvantages and advantages are also addressed in the section because they promoted museums, but also was also damaging in how the fairgoers would receive them in such a public and somewhat unstructured setting. This one in particular addresses the somewhat difficult code of conduct in what is acceptable in anthropology, how it’s conducted, it’s accuracy, if it is a real study, if it is a mere tool in popular culture, etc
What happens when these injustices are being done? Yes, our notion of anthropology has grown and changed from the time that these went on and these now seem politically incorrect, but it’s only now seen years later as it being true.
[1] Alison Griffith, Wondrous Difference, 22.